Postcapitalist futures: online texts

Postcapitalist_Futures_The_Last_Revolution_ver17abx

Decoding World History_ED1
9780984702909_Descent_of_Man_Revisited(3)
 9780984702930-LFM_text(2)

Toward a New Communist Manifesto_jlandon_kindle_10_11_16_PDF_ver2
Democratic_Market_Neo_Communism_ver_5(2)

WHEE_abrdg_kindle_johnlandon_PDF2A (1) (1)

9780984702909_Descent_of_Man_Revisited(4)

Capitalism, Communism and the Evolution of Civilization(1)

9780984702947_txt_Enigma_of_the_Axial_Age(1)
Samkya_ancient_modern2ax
The_Failure_of_Darwinism_Landon_kindle_version_pdf(1)

The Anthropocene and The Coming of Postcapitalism ver 12
The Crisis of Modernity_ver6
Out of Revolution_text_kindle_johnlandon_wbf_pdf
WHEE_5thed_pdf (1)(1)Kants_challenge_resolved_nature’s secret_plan7xa_web
R48G_The Coming_Of_Postacapitalism_pdf

The Climate Movement’s Last Stand? – 

The upcoming UN climate conference (COP 26) will happen amid an escalating climate crisis. After past conferences failed to prevent today’s unfolding disaster, it’s safe to assume that the 26th COP will follow in the ineffectual footsteps of the previous 25 UN climate summits. Nevertheless, the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) attempted to influence COP 26 by releasing its report ahead of schedule. Because of the consensus-based process of the IPCC — and the direct influence that oil-rich governments exert during the process — the UN body is notoriously conservative in its projections and policy solutions (often referred to as “the lowest common denominator” in climate science). The hamstrung IPCC, however, did its best to convey urgency by warning of climate catastrophe unless global emissions are cut in half by 2030 and/or net zero emissions are achieved by 2050. The Historic Failure of the UN’s COP   

Source: The Climate Movement’s Last Stand? – CounterPunch.org

What is the meaning of ‘working class’?

If we critique ‘historical materialism’ we are left with a very large corpus of Marx material. That material is pervaded by a set of basic assumptions about history that put them in a wrong contexts. But even so the issues of class, and ideology remain a core inspiration for a new kind of left.
One key is the theme of the working class. We should be wary here because any attempt to recreate Marxism could suffer the fate of misconstruing the working class issue(s). But it should be said at once that Marxism itself is the first culprit here. Beside historical materialism, Marxism has another claimant for the ‘dynamic of history’: class struggle. But does that really work? Class pervades history, but it is mostly a victory for the pervasive class domination of ‘rulers’ and their elites. The reality seems rather that the modern left, with Marx et al. in the fore, have created organizations of class struggle for the first time. In fact, as always we see that archaic Greece shows the birth of class struggles in its city-states,and the birth of democracy in that context. If this is true we can suspect that if we look closely Sumer as usual came first: the creative focal zone of the first ‘higher’ civilizations.
The point here is that class struggle shows amplification in the eonic effect and is a macro aspect. Remarkable. Marx’s insight is highly relevant, but we have slightly modified the theme: democracy is associated with class action but this is driven by the macro effect as other times show the comebacks of corrupt elites. Let us note that beside that stolid bourgeois, Luther, the birth of the modern shows the spectacular action of Thomas Munzer. Class struggle indeed. Here we must however see the peculiar fate of ‘democracy’, so visible in the wake of the English Civil War and the Restoration as the phenomenon of the Parliament (an ancient theme for medieval times) overtakes real democracy in a kind of bourgeois muddle that is not really resolved until the era of the French Revolution, the birth of socialism, and Marx’s cogent critique: democracy shifted from class struggle to bourgeois ‘democracy’ of the Restoration type. Marx’s significant expose here has however tended to suspicion of ‘democracy’ as the term suffers its semantic shifts. The point is that ‘democracy’ and class struggle are in origin one and the same. Class struggle in ancient Greece is the canonical case. But we must amend the idea to see that ‘republics’ are commonly the outcome, but but in Athens only do see the full realization.
Here the theme of the proletariat and ‘socialist democracy’ suffer a classic discombobulation as the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat theme emerges meaning one thing until it starts meaning another thing and we end up with the Marxist bourgeoisie as a new ruling class enforcing ‘dictatorship’ in the name of the proletariat. The Leninists thus join the list of screwball screwups of the democratic idea. Hal Draper has an indispensable study of this terminology and the way ‘dictatorship’, more like ‘dictation’ at first, ends up with dictatorship by the Marxist bourgeoisie of Bolsheviks, now in control of the entire productive apparatus, and a working-class now without nary a single ‘union’. Noone can quite face the monumental failure of the Marx project here.
https://redfortyeight.com/2021/06/02/the-dictatorship-of-the-proletariat-from-marx-to-lenin-draper-hal/
We can critique bourgeois democracies but we should nonetheless consider that constitutional fixation of rights did better over all than the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’.

We should be done with such a pernicious terminology. Here our idea of a ‘democratic market neo-communism’ enters with a new approach. Let it be said that this model requires careful consideration of ‘working class’ issues, which seem absent at first. But the approach is constitutional: equality, economic rights, rights of nature, etc, have to be given constitutional foundations. I would be delighted if a group of working-class revolutionaries took over and realized this model in practice. But in any case, the American model shows the strength and limits of the constitutional approach. We can add in a whole slew of working class organizations and we certainly require a set of labor unions in its mix of elements. The DMNC model is not utopian perfection but has constitutional guarantees on working-class issues. Marxists would in theory reject that, but the muddle of Bolshevism warns us to be wary of their claims. Another approach is to this liberal system and build a socialism around it: democratic market neo-communism. The key contribution of the revolutionaries/reformists is to exproriate the capital factor and create a Commons, not the Marxist bourgeoisie taking control of production.

The working-class theme is Marx’s (and the early socialists who first proposed the model) great master theme but is the object of strange mystifications. Although the early proletariats had a special dignity in their plight they are not other than the rest of homo sapiens, and can not as such be expected to produce some ideal man. The problem however is that the implication is that a working-class social nexus as the dictatorship of the proletariat theme shows is going to create equality when in reality it was swindle by the marxist bourgeoisie. And what is to happen to all the other classes? The dreaded undertone lurks: they must somehow disappear. It can’t and won’t work short of a massacre. We need to make statements about a new system will treat all the old classes.
Here the constitutional model is superior as a foundation. Equality to the best of our hopes is built on a legal foundation with a Common, a system of socialist markets, planning sectors, and has a place for all the classes at entry in a system that is not utopian perfection but a viable communism that functions with a sane economy that is kicked upstairs from capitalism.

We must interject a ‘trick play’ here: the term ‘working class’ is so vague (it must have meant factory workers, to start) that we must take Marxists by the sleeve and ask, who’s who here? Semantic precision never graced the term: the working class is a. a set of factory workers, now mostly overseas, b. all those who perform wage labor. The latter is very suggestive for a correction, albeit a trick play: the working class is all those who work as ‘wage labor’. But this includes virtually everyone, including capitalist managers who are also salaried employees.
We have thus no settled definition of terms, and would do well to follow our constitutional approach which offers foundational rights and liberties by law, and an equal share by all including a working class in a factory system that has a legal connection to the Commons, and a right of suit to make sure that happens.

In a way the working class a the class of wage labor works better because it is more inclusive but as we can see all the different definitions are so vague semantically that we are at risk of incoherence.

The eonic model and world history: no other model exists that can match its combination of evolutionary dynamics and free agency…Historical materialism is dated now…

We have critiqued ‘historical materialism’ repeatedly here, from the left and suggested a new approach that could serve the left better than the dated legacy of Marxism. This article starts with an attack on postmodernism and its rejection of historical laws, etc…But the issue of history is not so simple and the lack of a science does not entail the lack of analysis. The issue is falsely posed: we can reject a ‘science’ of history without rejecting a larger analysis of its essential nature.
The eonic model is a new breakthrough that distinguishes ‘system action’ and free agency and shows how the two interact as we place the issue of civilization in the context of post-Darwinian evolution.
This model uncovers the unsuspected dynamic behind world history and its connections: the category is an evolutionary model and a two-level micro/macro distinction.. No other model can match the blend of historical determination and the action of free agents inside it.

This model can easily adapt to new versions of liberalism, socialism, and what we call neo-communism. The interaction of a system and a free agent is the key to this approach and occurs in ordinary life in dozens of examples: the most obvious being the ‘system action’ of an automobile and the ‘free agency’ of the driver.

The left including Marxists would do well to recast their whole subject and start over ASAP as time runs out for the left: an old-style revolution in marxist terms isn’t going to happen: what is needed is a platform with a more generalized model of history and crucially a reminder that now ‘laws of history’ are going produce postcapitalism: men/women as free agents must construct and realize a new model of society.

The International Marxist Tendency proudly presents the Winter 2021 issue of the In Defence of Marxism theoretical journal! This latest edition is themed around the topic of historical materialism. We publish below the editorial by Alan Woods.

Source: In defence of historical materialism: new magazine out now!

Band of 30 militant Israeli Squatters attack Palestinian Farmers, Steal Olive Harvest in continued Sabotage that has seen 1 mn Olive Trees destroyed by Israelis since 1967

Ann Arbor (Informed Comment) – On Friday, some thirty militant Israeli squatters on Palestinian land in the West Bank attacked …

Source: Band of 30 militant Israeli Squatters attack Palestinian Farmers, Steal Olive Harvest in continued Sabotage that has seen 1 mn Olive Trees destroyed by Israelis since 1967