The almost mysterious self-destruction of the american democratic system shows a strange dynamic and an outlandish de-classing of working class politics. It remains unforeseen and deadly in the context of democratic cliche mongering…The left has been sidelined but has in its focus on ideology, working class, and equality the basic tools to deal with the situation…given the opportunity…
Trump’s unique brand of right-wing populism has long been sold in “mainstream” discourse via a narrative that his supporters are angry as hell over mounting personal and economic insecurity, in an age that affords fewer and fewer opportunities to the “working class.” This story was popularized in part because of Trump’s rhetoric, and because of his higher support among those (especially whites) with low levels of education, who were angry (at the time of Trump’s election) at the state of the nation and economy, and who were opposed to corporate “free trade” agreements. But this narrative was always highly misleading. As social scientists have documented in recent years (see some examples here, here, here, and here), there is little evidence that Trumpeters are economically insecure relative to non-supporters.
Source: The “Trump Recovery”: Behind Right-Wing Populism’s Radical Transformation – CounterPunch.org
Although our DMNC model is essentially a revolutionary projection, we have always tried to offer an evolutionary version, even if it is a long shot. The point here is that we can define an evolutionary neo-communism that isn’t social democratic IF we can through electoral means begin the transition to a new system with the electoral expropriation of private property and a new constitution founded in a Commons. Is there any hope that that could happen? In theory it could happen. As climate chaos comes home it just might happen. In the early struggles for suffrage many thought that was what would happen, but it didn’t. Continue reading “Marxist fantasies of the working class, endgame with Trump’s base”
If it can, it should do so, but the evidence is not there that the working class is revolutionary, which is not the same as ‘changing the world’ unless that is what is meant. We have courted the great marxist heresy with a ‘dialectical’ self-debate on the issue and constructed our ‘Red Forty-eight Group’ as either for working class revolutionaries and/or the activism of the ‘universal class’.
What about Trump’s base? Golly Continue reading ” what about the lumpenproletariat?…Trump’s base and Marx’s class bias//Can the (non)Working Class Change the World?”
We have shown that the voters who “flipped” from Obama in 2012 to Trump in 2016 were not revolting against neoliberalism. The voter-survey evidence suggests, instead, that the main driver of their defection was their marked affinity with Trump’s racism, misogyny, xenophobia, and authoritarianism. We have also shown that, rather than being a response to neoliberalism and “economic distress,” Trumpism is a pre-existing condition. Well before neoliberalism came along and allegedly pummeled the working class, the presidential campaigns of George Wallace—the authoritarian, racist governor of Alabama––garnered surprisingly strong support, not only in the South, but in the North as well, particularly in the industrial Midwest that “flipped” to Trump in 2016.
Source: The Baseness of Trump’s Base: a review-essay on Sides, Tesler & Vavreck’s Identity Crisis – Marxist-Humanist Initiative
Trump’s formula for his unfortunate electoral victory in 2016 relied almost exclusively on persuading rural American voters in the so-called “heartland” that their economic decline was due not to any fault of corporate, late-stage capitalism but to fact that their jobs were being “stolen” by people with darker skin than themselves.
Source: The Rise of the Robots: How Trump and the Republicans betrayed their base voters | Alternet