This version is closing in on a completed, short, book. It would be easy to make it twice as long but something more than bullet points but less than a ponderous tome is needed. American society has long since been turned into a crypto-fascist oligarchy at the mercy of a capitalist class so deranged they cannot for the life of them grasp the coming ecological danger. It has no real future save as a kind of imperial monstrosity of capitalist ecocide. Starting over is the only real option.
A new left is easily constructed and we should welcome the Marxist world to consider this much simpler approach. But Marx does better as part of an historical introduction: we must take it up from there, as he himself indicated. The terms ‘marxist’ and ‘marxism’ are banned from discussion. The legacy of Bolshevism must be disowned. The issue of the working class is up in the air: it is a global phenomenon that needs a version of our ‘DMNC’ based on the ‘working class. In the US the working class is really a part of the middle class: it is not revolutionary, but there is a simple and elegant solution: the working class and the Universal class: the latter is all classes together, and the definition of ‘working class’ is ambiguous: it is either the old-fashioned industrial working class and/or those who are wage laborers and/or those who are passive with respect to capitalist domination: note that a ‘sliding’ class can exploit the ambiguity and create a supercharged new version of the working class, a part or the whole as multiple classes, moving toward the equality of all in a Universal class. In this context, a nerw international can at once address the local an global working class in its slider ambiguity.
Effort is better directed to creating a solution to our modeling tool and/or active project: there is a need for constitutional law studies in our model, for a new democracy, an eco-socialism, a hybrid of liberal and neo-communist system with a vigorous socialist market system, the new software of planning, and democracy must have a balance of authority and one solution in this system is to create polar democratic and revolutionary parties, the latter damping out after creating a new system, as they remain in the background in a presidential party of guardians, with an electoral president. A future revolution has to do it right: it must outline a planned transition, deal with counterrevolution, possibly even civil war. A revolution must have failsafe sequencing after the legacy of many failures, revolutionary marshalls/observers, a transient legal protocol on the way to a new foundation, a legally defined Commons, and a slew of working-class, ecological and other legal constructs or sectors.
This model in some versions has a guardian class behind a presidential system, and a Congress with a three-plus party system, in a dialectical triad (many variant possibilities).
Here we must cite the issues of racism and feminism as conceptual partners to our larger model. But our key purpose here is a new socialism with an economy that is functional, that ‘works’ and yet is flexible: at some point such an economy must be able to consider the dangerours world of no-growth and how to deal with that.
In all the talk of democracy and socialism over the past two centuries the failure to define the reality indicated has produced disaster, like a bad pointer in C programming: a name that refers to not much in the overheated brains of ‘idealists at work’, as it enters realization anything can stand in as a reality.The US has turned into a gangster state perpetrating geocide, wars for profit as the military-industrial complex, and imperialist lawlessness. It is no such thing as a ‘democracy’.
Our model is a four-term system at minimum: each term a kind of duality or dialectic: democracy/authority, planning and top-down macro, socialist markets based on licensed resources from a Commons bottom-up, property in the small but based on a Commons and social property in a Commons, as the expropriation of the capital in the large.
This kind of system balances opposites and can have in one version a low-level indifference threshold below which the state is matched with a sector that is more or less in a kind of partial laissez-faire. The latter would be hard to define legally, but the basic point is clear: the obsession to control all with a one-party state of former revolutionaries didn’t work at all. The balance of control and let-go, democracy, and a top level authority, property and a commons, etc…
Many issues remains: the covert agencies are the real government now: they must be dismantled at once at the onset and the whole question of their function reviewed from scratch. Note that Leninism doomed socialism from the start because it was a system based on a secret police, disaster from the start..
The US has a great opportunity: as the first democracy in modern times, it can lead the way to a real democracy as a socialist version of democracy done right.
Our term, R48G refers to the ‘Red Fortyeight Group’ a sort of generalized reference or algebra of movements: let R4G= socialist party x, etc…with a name. This can then unify many groups who can agree to a common but novel plan, project, or movement.
Or, the term can simply be that movement: The Red Forty-eight Group as movement toward
a version of ‘democratic market neo-communism’.
Let us note a distinction of ‘market socialism’ and ‘socialist markets’ in our DMNC: market socialism struggled to rescue socialism from the calculation debate. But our ‘socialist markets’ stand in a real market, but with resources guarded and licensed in a Commons. Beyond that postcapitalist markets are still very close to classic markets. Issues of planning can coexist. The calculation debate becomes irrelevant.