Working class, Universal class

The article cited (below, endlink) was harshly criticized but the larger problem of the working class remains somewhat enigmatic. The issue is not so complex: the old working class in the minds of Marx and his legacy no longer exists, in the US. But it is a desperate reality in the larger world of global capitalism. A new left must move on from Marxism and rethink the issue of the working class. There is no one solution and the core focus on the proletariat no longer resonates with the American medley of multiple classes overlapping. We have suggested a multi-faceted approach. The reality is that the working class is hardly ever defined at all. We have critiqued Marxism but tended to shy away from its classic focus on the working class, but it remains in the background as the key issue raised by Marx. The problem is that the working class has no simple defintion. If it means factory workers then the outsourcing generation has a remnant working class. And then the crucial step is an International. If it means ‘all those who exist by wage labor’ then virtually the whole work sector is working class. What are people talking about? All these classes are all mixed up together and we might step to a larger view of the Universal Class, the class of all classes. A transition to socialism must address all the different sectors of class: the prime focus on the working class takes in many cases all sharing a common subjection to capitalist domination.In this context outreach to the industrial working class takes its place in the context of a question: how will socialism deal with equality and the Universal class.

The text of our book The Last Revolution barely mentions the working class: revolution must come from the Universal Class and might take the form of a spearhead movement of the working class. But in the end the issue is capitalism and the status of the wage laborer and/or all those subject to capitalist domination. Marxism tends to champion the working class only to alienate everyone else left to wonder if they even have a future in socialism.

Our model of ‘democratic market neo-communism’ refers indirectly to the key issue of the working class because it is a constitutional construct that is focused on equality (and liberty, fraternity, etc…) in the form of a neo-communsm that solves among other problems the core issue of social democratic aims realized where social democrats always failed: this DMNC system has is either top-down or bottom up and establishes a constitutionaal framework of economic rights, ecological rights of nature, civil liberties recast, etc.. This is in the context of a Commons, which means all classes move into the Universal Class and are guaranteed economic rights: labor, fair wage, free medical resources, free educational options, and much more. If the working class anywhere anytime wishes to use this model to create a worker’s social solution, go for it, but it must show leadership in relation to the Universal Class that is the central core of the social system. The Bolsheviks made a hopeless botch of the attempt: it can’t have been the real meaning of socialsim. But the expectation was that the working class would seize power and estabish the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ which meant in fact dictatorship of the Marxist/Bolshevik bourgeoisie controlling capital as state capitalism. Such a monumental swindle left the public disllusioned to the point of total rejection of socialist ideas. A new left has to disown that legacy and find a new way to attract a multi-class system that is working-class as the subject/objects of capitalist domination. A constitutional foundation that gives a legal guarantee of socialist principles can work with or without the ‘working class’ meme. It is by definition the revolution of the working class. But the larger global status of the working class matches very closely the classic formulation, but even there a working class breathrough would do well to adopt something like our ‘democratic market neo-communism’ or DMNC. It should be clear that working class sectors would thrive under such a system even if it was forced to confront degrowth. We see in the end that under the Universal Class the different perspectives on the ‘working class’ become equivalent.

Source: Commonsense Solidarity: How a Working-Class Coalition Can Be Built, and Maintained – 1848+: The End(s) of History

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